El rostro impreso en la camisa
Los ojos miraban directamente a la impresión de la camisa y se perdieron allí. La persona tardó mucho en apartar la vista – ¿Es María del Espíritu Santo? Es ella, ¿no? Y la respuesta fue que sí. Quien preguntó sobre la imagen de la camisa de uno de los presentes fue Maria Ivete Bastos dos Santos, mujer de 52 años – siete de ellos dedicados a la presidencia de la organización, entre 2002 y 2008. Ocurrió en la celebración del 46 aniversario del Sindicato de Trabajadores Rurales, Agricultores y Agricultores Familiares de Santarém (STTR-STM). Chico Mendes, Marielle Franco, Hermana Dorothy, Berta Cáceres, entre otros, también se quedaron mirando desde la tela blanca de la camisa, devolviéndole la mirada seria. Pronto Maria Ivete descubrió que la impresión era un homenaje a los defensores de los territorios asesinados en Brasil y América Latina en las últimas décadas, además de ser una protesta por la falta de soluciones a estos crímenes. La voz tembló por un segundo antes de volver a su firmeza habitual: ver el rostro de su amiga Maria do Espírito Santo, sorprendió a Maria Ivete – No esperaba ver esto hoy, y a veces el recuerdo es una carga pesada, duele. Esta es una de las historias del reportaje: “¿Qué pasa realmente en la Amazonía?”. Vea el contenido ya publicado en: INTRODUCCIÓN Parte 1 (página central): ¿Qué pasa realmente en la Amazonía?Parte 2: ¿Quién se ve favorecido con las respuestas de Bolsonaro a los incendios?Parte 3: El “ganar-ganar” de las empresas con la financiarización de la naturalezaParte 4: Por fin, ¿quién está detrás de estos crímenes? HISTORIAS 1) El asedio explicado en un mapa2) Un puerto atrapado por el río3) Antes de que el puerto llegue (si llega), ya han llegado los impactos4) Centro de sanidad y escuela quilombola: la lucha cambia la vida5) Curuaúna por un lado, soja. Del otro, más soja6) [usted está aquí] El rostro impreso en la camisa7) La noche de las motos En el estado de Pará, uno de los más peligrosos para quienes defienden los derechos del pueblo, las dos mujeres lucharon lado a lado. Maria Ivete, presidenta de STTR-STM, además de otros cargos que ha ocupado en el sindicato a lo largo de los años; y Maria do Espírito Santo, quien, junto con su esposo Zé Cláudio, trabajó y vivió en el Asentamiento Agroextractivo Praia Alta Pirandeira, en Nova Ipixuna, región de Marabá. La pareja recibió amenazas constantes por enfrentar a los madereros ilegales y ruralistas de la región. Zé Cláudio ya conocía su destino: iba a morir. Alertó a todos, sin que su esfuerzo sirviera de mucho: ambos fueron asesinados, emboscados por pistoleros dentro de la reserva ambiental donde trabajaron y preservaron la tierra durante 24 años. Esta emboscada cobarde ocurrió en 2011. Desde entonces, han pasado nueve años de duelo por Maria Ivete – Le dije que no fueran en bici ese día, aunque Maria Ivete sabe que esto fue un mero detalle – No sufrimos por la amenaza sino por estar marcada, es casi una cuestión de tiempo antes de que la muerte ordenada encuentre al objetivo. Mientras tanto, la amenaza es una especie de anticipación mortal, una inversión absurda en el orden natural de las cosas. El destino que se cierne sobre tantas cabezas evita que la vida se complete, por mucho que uno esté vivo, con un corazón pulsante, una respiración plena y una mente que recuerde. Si uno sigue vivo, es bajo duras circunstancias. Como el caso adquirió grandes proporciones y tuvo repercusiones internacionales, los dos hombres que asesinaron a Maria do Espírito Santo y Zé Cláudio fueron condenados por los tribunales; el ordenante del crimen, después de ser absuelto en 2013, fue a un nuevo juicio tres años después en lo cual finalmente fue declarado culpable. La pena: 60 años de prisión. Sin embargo, solo uno de los asesinos está en la cárcel. José Rodrigues Moreira (quién ordenó el crimen) y su hermano, Lindonjohnson Silva Rocha (uno de los asesinos), están en libertad desde noviembre de 2015 – No sé hablar de justicia, así hablo de injusticia, y esa es la referencia, después de todo: la injusticia es lo conocido y experimentado, dejando su opuesto, la justicia, en algún lugar del horizonte, distante e irreal. La protección de las defensoras y los defensores de los derechos de los pueblos sigue siendo insuficienteEn el Pará – aún en 2017- 90 personas estaban en el listado para ingresar en el Programa para la Protección de los Defensores de Derechos Humanos (PPDDH) –el estado es el tercero con el mayor número de personas dentro del programa. Para Maria Ivete, ya son más o menos diez años viviendo con escoltas, restricciones de horarios y movimientos: hoy ella está bajo la proteción del Programa Estatal para la Protección de los Defensores de Derechos Humanos en el Pará, organización que también protege a otras 77 personas en el estado. Ella no se siente en seguridad, por el contrario – Vivir con protección es recordar la amenaza todos los días: no voy a fiestas, en los lugares a los que vamos no podemos salir ni a la esquina, ni en un bar, nada. El PPDDH, aunque sea un avance importante (surgió como reacción al asesinato de la hermana Dorothy Stang, también en Pará, en 2005), sigue siendo bastante precario. Se hace necesario una articulación entre los estados; sin embargo, son solo seis que cuentan con programas implementados a través de acuerdos: Bahía, Río de Janeiro, Pernambuco, Ceará, Minas Gerais y Maranhão. En Pará, la operacionalización se realiza a través de una central en Brasilia. Sin embargo, la cuestión principal es otra: el programa resulta útil cuando la situación ya es extrema, en casos de persecución y ataques. Se cree que la vigilancia por parte del Estado puede, como mínimo, limitar el trabajo de los asesinos. Sin embargo, poner fin a los ataques contra a las defensoras y los defensores de los derechos de los pueblos requiere una respuesta estructural: la regularización y
La noche de las motos
Vruuuum vruuum vruuuuuum es el ruido que despertó a José Marques da Costa, un trabajador rural de Alenquer, pequeño municipio del estado de Pará con poco más de 50 mil habitantes. De sus 53 años, la gran mayoría de ellos fueron marcados por noches de insomnio. Así son son las noches en muchos rincones de Brasil para aquellos que se atreven a defender los derechos de las pequeñas y pequeños trabajadores de la tierra -exactamente lo que él hace, y cuando escuchó el cuarto vruuum José Marques se puso de pie, alerta. Esta es una de las historias del reportaje: “¿Qué pasa realmente en la Amazonía?”. Vea el contenido ya publicado en: INTRODUCCIÓN Parte 1 (página central): ¿Qué pasa realmente en la Amazonía?Parte 2: ¿Quién se ve favorecido con las respuestas de Bolsonaro a los incendios?Parte 3: El “ganar-ganar” de las empresas con la financiarización de la naturalezaParte 4: Por fin, ¿quién está detrás de estos crímenes? HISTORIAS 1) El asedio explicado en un mapa2) Un puerto atrapado por el río3) Antes de que el puerto llegue (si llega), ya han llegado los impactos4) Centro de sanidad y escuela quilombola: la lucha cambia la vida5) Curuaúna por un lado, soja. Del otro, más soja6) El rostro impreso en la camisa7) [Usted está aquí] La noche de las motos8) Con organización, todos luchan Unos meses antes, le habían llegado nuevos mensajes (siempre indirectamente, la advertencia del cobarde) – Mataremos a unos cinco, ni siquiera lo sabrán. La justicia es lenta, con la bala lo resolvemos más rápido. Si antes José dormía con un ojo abierto, después del aviso comenzó a dormir con los dos ojos abiertos en noches de poco o ningún descanso. Antes la tele le ayudaba a dormir, ahora sucede lo contrario: la voz del actual presidente de la República, Jair Bolsonaro, agravaba su insomnio, y en él retumbaban frases como – Quién debería estar detenido son las personas del MST (movimiento sin tierras), son sinvergüenzas y vagabundos. Si los policías reaccionaron fue para no morir, y – Disparemos a la gente que respalda el PT (partido de los trabajadores) en el estado del Acre! Discursos de odio que incentivan, así como materializan, la violencia contra las trabajadoras y los trabajadores rurales en la Región del Amazonas, y en Brasil. Es decir, contra el propio José. La primera cita del discurso de Bolsonaro se refiere a la Masacre de Carajás, cuando la policía militar de Pará asesinó a 19 trabajadores sin tierra; la segunda se realizó durante su campaña presidencial de 2018. Vruuuum vruum siguió el ruido, y José Marques se arriesgó a asomarse a la calle. Motocicletas. Muchas motocicletas: una, dos, tres, media docena, nueve, diez, era difícil de contar por el constante movimiento circular de los vehículos, que aceleraban y desaceleraban en frente de su casa. Deberían ser en total en torno a veinte, pronto José comenzó a enfocarse no en el número de motos, sino en quién las montaba: ciertamente eso parecía mucho más importante. Fue entonces cuando vio a vecinos, amigos, colegas, y el miedo que se había acumulado en su pecho dio paso a la curiosidad – ¿Qué hacen aquí a esta hora? y luego, para su conmoción descubrió que el circo establecido allí no era una emboscada. Por el contrario era una escolta para protegerlo exactamente de un posible ataque o asesinato. Desde el final del día anterior, un rumor había corrido por el pequeño pueblo de que hombres armados, listos para atacar a José Marques, acechaban el camino – Son todos muy traicioneros, entran en tu casa como si fueran invitados, se sientan para tomar un café antes de matar a la persona. Era una muerte ordenada por los grandes agricultores de la región. Las aproximadamente veinte motocicletas servirían, y finalmente fueron, un escudo que protegió a José. Así, él también decidió subir a su moto, en medio de la noche del pequeño Alenquer, para luchar y vivir otro día junto con los suyos. Monopolio de tierras: CAR, posesión autodeclarada y “cuatro años de tormentas”Lo que llevó a los pistoleros a perseguir a José Marques está relacionado con su cargo: presidente de la Asociación Comunitaria de Residentes y Pequeños Agricultores de la Comunidad Limão Grande, ubicada en Alenquer. Allí, 86 familias vivieron y trabajaron en un área de aproximadamente diez mil hectáreas, hasta que, en 2016, comenzó lo que José llamó “Cuatro años de tormenta”. Primero, hubo una solicitud de tierras por parte de los agricultores, equivalentes a tres mil hectáreas del área donde vivían las familias. En consulta con Incra, y con el apoyo del Sindicato de Trabajadores Rurales, Agricultores y Agricultores Familiares de Alenquer (STTR-ALQ), comprobaron que esta solicitud era justa: las familias aceptaron abandonar esa área, redistribuyéndose en los siete mil hectáreas restantes. Mientras tanto, la tierra fue georreferenciada, un paso necesario para que la comunidad se registrara en el CAR (Registro Ambiental Rural). Una vez realizado el trabajo, regresaron a Incra y se encontraron con la sorpresa: quince días antes, varias personas ya habían registrado esas áreas como propias. De repente, la tierra donde vivían las familias desde 2007 tenía nuevos “dueños”. Nunca hubo una inspección por parte de Incra para verificar si quienes hicieron el CAR realmente ocuparon la tierra autodeclarada; si la hubiera habido, sería simple ver quién realmente ocupaba el área reivindicada – Ellos [los órganos competentes] ni siquiera saben dónde está la tierra (sin embargo, José sí lo sabe y esto parece ser inútil). El registro, basado en la información proporcionada por el solicitante, no tiene fecha límite para la verificación por parte de la agencia pública competente: algunos estados afirman que el análisis de los registros tardaría entre 25 y 100 años. Sin embargo, contrariamente a la conocida lentitud de la justicia y el poder público, antes de que pudiera llevarse a cabo la debida inspección, se decretó la recuperación del lugar, lo que ocurrió con un fuerte aparato policial. En resumen: 86 familias fueron puestas en la calle, con una cruel
Con organización, todos luchan
El viaje fue largo, entre Santarém y Alenquer. Son dos horas en ferry y otras tres o cuatro horas por carretera, parte en asfalto y otra en tierra. Durante este trayecto Toto, un hombre silencioso y Mara, una mujer a la que gusta hablar, aprovecharon la oportunidad para contar algunas historias que vivieron, él como ex presidente y actual vicepresidente del Sindicato de dos trabajadores rurales, agricultores y agricultores familiares de Alenquer (STTR-ALQ), y ella como la presidente de la organización. Todas las historias contadas tienen un eje en común: destacan la importancia del sindicato para garantizar la conquista de los derechos, los servicios de asistencia técnica y la seguridad de los trabajadores rurales. Esta es la última historia del reportaje: “¿Qué pasa realmente en la Amazonía?”. Vea el contenido ya publicado en: Parte 1 (página central): ¿Qué pasa realmente en la Amazonía?Parte 2: ¿Quién se ve favorecido con las respuestas de Bolsonaro a los incendios?Parte 3: El “ganar-ganar” de las empresas con la financiarización de la naturalezaParte 4: Por fin, ¿quién está detrás de estos crímenes? Y las historias de resistencia: 1) El asedio explicado en un mapa2) Un puerto atrapado por el río3) Antes de que el puerto llegue (si llega), ya han llegado los impactos4) Centro de sanidad y escuela quilombola: la lucha cambia la vida5) Curuaúna por un lado, soja. Del otro, más soja6) El rostro impreso en la camisa7) La noche de las motos8) [usted está aquí] Con organización, todos lo luchan Alenquer es un pueblo pequeño, con poco más de 50 mil habitantes. Y es inestable: los alcaldes no tienen costumbre de completar sus tiempos de mandato. La alcaldía interrumpida ya se ha convertido en una tradición. Ese mismo día, mientras Totó y Mara nos contaban historias, el presidente de la Cámara de Vereadores asumió el cargo de alcalde, otro giro en la política local. Pero centrémonos en la historia de Totó y Mara: en un determinado momento, hace años, indignados por la ausencia de políticas públicas en la región… Antes una pausa: Totó, cuyo nombre es João Gomes da Costa y tiene 47 años, mira en el espejo retrovisor y ve un gran coche blanco que se adelanta. Después de adelantar nuestro auto, disminuye la velocidad. Luego acelera bruscamente para desaparecer en el horizonte. Mara, abreviatura de Aldemara Ferreira de Jesús, de 37 años, se da cuenta de que el letrero del coche era de Santarém. …Indignados por la ausencia de políticas públicas; con los retrasos salariales de profesores y profesionales de la salud; con el mal estado de las carretera; en resumen, con un paquete completo de indignaciones: el pueblo decidió bloquear la carretera que da acceso a la ciudad. Y eso porque el alcalde se negó en varias ocasiones a dialogar -incluso expulsó a Totó y Mara de las reuniones- demostrando un extremo desinterés por el pueblo, como prueba el hecho de que la población, para ser oída, tuvo que bloquear la carretera. Una multitud de trabajadoras y trabajadores de diferentes áreas se reunieron en el lugar -había trabajadoras y trabajadores rurales, organizados por el sindicato, también profesores y profesionales de la salud, barrenderos, representantes de la iglesia, todos juntos – rápidamente el alcalde y sus secretarios, así como el el juez, se presentaron, organizando una reunión en el Ayuntamiento ese mismo día. Se acordó que solo 50 representantes de la sociedad civil podrían participar y presentar sus demandas. Vale. Antes de entrar en la reunión, las 50 personas “invitadas” tuvieron que pasar por una minuciosa revisión policial. El dispositivo de seguridad se desplegló con gran exageración, llegando incluso a situaciones vergonzosas; hasta las hermanas y los sacerdotes tuvieron que ser registrados para ingresar. En el acto, el pueblo finalmente habló e, inmediatamente después, sin ninguna respuesta, expresión o incluso una leve indicación de que había prestado atención, el alcalde se retiró. Mara y Totó salieron del Ayuntamiento para contar lo que había sucedido y se sorprendieron por la gran cantidad de personas que esperaban el resultado de la conversación, más de mil personas que obviamente no quedaron contentas con la ausencia de respuestas. Indignados, empezaron a lanzar una lluvia de huevos y tomates sobre las paredes del Ayuntamiento y los escudos los policiales. Desde un rincón, un grito desesperado, imploraba – Toto, controla a la gente, a lo que él Toto pensó – ¿Cómo? y finalmente se dirigió al alcalde y su equipo – Si alguien no está haciendo algo aquí, sois vosotros, prometisteis dialogar y no lo hicistéis, mientras tanto los huevos y tomates siguieron volando y explotando en el edificio, la multitud aumentaba su tono, hasta que el alcalde y sus secretarios reaparecieron, esta vez muy dispuestos a escuchar con atención. Una vez reanudada la reunión, finalmente hicieron acuerdos y se firmaron compromisos. Mara, en este momento ríe y nos habla – Si los trabajadores unidos fuesen capaz de entender la fuerza que tienen … no aceptarían poca cosa de nadie. Persecución y amenazas– Defenderse y posicionarse al lado de los pobres tiene una consecuencia, dice Totó, y él lo sabe bien: se preocupa por las amenazas que recibe, se preocupa, sobre todo, por su hija y hijo. Respiró unos segundos y dijo – Sí, tengo miedo, perdemos nuestra libertad. Pienso en mis horarios y los de mis hijos, estoy atento a cualquier cosa que sea diferente, pienso en que puede pasar cuando llego a casa, si hay una emboscada. Pero su sueño sigue tranquilo, nos garantiza – Tenemos la conciencia tranquila, aunque siempre atenta y preocupada. Preocupación que Mara comparte, cuando su hija pregunta – Mamá, ¿qué están diciendo sobre ti en Facebook?, explicar a una niña lo que está ocurriendo es complicado, complejo, agotador y grave, sobretodo porque muchas veces las amenazas provienen del propio Estado, representado por los hombres uniformados que deberían proteger a todos. Totó informa que recibió llamadas con amenazas policiales, que decían – Estamos con tal hacendero, citando el nombre con la intención de intimidarle. El mensaje es claro – Donde
What really happens in the Amazon Forest
We have visited the Tapajós region, in the state of Pará, Brazil, along with Terra de Direitos (Land of Rights, in English) and the Rural Workers Union of the cities of Santarém and Alenquer. We wanted to listen to the stories of peoples’ resistance to the siege imposed by capitalism on the Amazon. And the scenario, which was already frightening, worsens in the current pandemic context of Covid-19: land grabbers, miners and illegal loggers are not concerned with quarantining; on the contrary, they want to take advantage of the government’s paralysis to advance further over the territories. It is worth adding that, according to several studies, the expansion of agribusiness and the consequent environmental destruction is behind the advance of pandemics around the world, the coronavirus among them. * Note: this content was produced in late 2019 and early 2020,before the coronavirus pandemic took nowadays proportions. // Video 1 – Land grabbing: how Amazonian territories are being transformed into cultivated fields(English and Spanish subtitles available) // Video 2 – Soy: Amazon as an agricultural frontier(English and Spanish subtitles available) // Video 3 – Ports: large enterprises threaten traditional Amazonian ways of life(English and Spanish subtitles available) // Video 4 – threats, resistance and hope Capitalism gears crush the Amazon, its people, the forest and its rivers: first, the expansion of soy and livestock, together with the illegal logging and sale of wood and the criminal fires that “clean the land” for agribusiness; second, mining and megaprojects of infrastructure necessary for the transportation of commodities and delivery of Brazilian common goods, such as ports and railways. All of them have a high impact on local communities. Facing all this, under a lot of pressure and living with constant threats, there are people standing and struggling – still strong. These are the stories of resistance that we will tell. First, however, a brief introduction is necessary, so that we understand the context and complexity of these struggles. The introduction is divided into four parts: the first part follows this paragraph; the others can be accessed through the links that appear below the text. And after the links there are small summaries of each story that we will tell – they can be accessed by clicking on their title. A brief introduction, divided into four parts, and then the stories 1. ContextIt is not by chance that the fires in the Amazon region in 2019 caught the attention of the world: from January to August, in comparison with the same period of the last three years, the increase in fires was 34%; there was 55% more deforestation in the region; and 11% more rain, which shows that the cause of the fires was not the dry period, as some try to say, but human action. Not a surprise: in August of last year, in reference to the Day of Fire, we were already saying (clicking on the link you’ll find the article in English below the one in Portuguese): – The bloodstained hand that lit the flame is the hand of the free market: it is to the colonizing neo-liberal policy – so obediently embraced by Bolosarno’s government – that we credit the attack on peoples from the forest and their territories. At the time of the 2018 election campaign, the complete absence of environmental policies already warned of what was to come. For example, the expression “environment” appeared only once in the government program of the candidate Jair Bolsonaro. Well… that he represents a huge setback for the environmental and agrarian agenda in Brazil, he made it quite clear himself, saying [to ruralists, of course] – This is your government. We know the capitalist lurking over the Amazon goes back to pre-Bolsonaro times. However, the worsening in the situation is equally obvious today: it is considered – it, the forest – an immense stock of land, a huge space available for the expansion of agribusiness that has already consumed almost all other biomes in Brazil (such as the “cerrado”, the “pantanal” and the “pampa”). Numbers can prove the harmful effect generated by the policies of the current Brazilian government: for the first time in the historical count, which started in 2002, there was an increase in fires in all biomes in the country. The devastated area in 2019 was 86% higher than the previous year. In the case of “pantanal” – the most affected biome, wich is a wet-land – the number is alarming: the increase in fires was 573% compared to 2018. The data are from INPE (National Institute for Space Research, in English), which Bolsonaro – also not by chance – insistently tries to delegitimize and to control (he has fired its president because of such numbers and evidences on the destruction of territories under his management). It is no coincidence that the current government calls the Amazon Forest an “unproductive and desert region” (yes, they have said that). This is the neoliberal view and understanding of nature: a business to be explored, whatever the costs are – including lives. In the links below, the introductory text continues. Click on each one to continue reading: 2. Bolsonaro’s answers to fires are in the name of the market and agribusiness land grabbers3. The “win-win” of companies with the financialization of nature4. But after all, who is really behind these crimes? And below read some of the stories of peoples resistance to the capitalist siege on the Amazon and the struggle for their territories, for the forest and its rivers: // THE SIEGE, DRAWN ON A MAPThe president of the Union of Rural Workers and Family Farmers of Santarém (STTR-STM), Manoel Edivaldo Santos Matos – also called “The Fish” – explains the siege of the capital to the Amazon based on a map of the Tapajós region. It is not by chance that the Guideline Plan of the city of Santarém was altered to suit the expansion of capital in the region – and the change occurred in the very end
Who is favored by Bolsonaro’s responses to the fires?
We can say from the start: only the market, land grabbers, agribusiness. And the PL 2633 (PL stands for Project of Law) – the notorious PL of Land Grabbing – is the greatest evidence of it. And well… Ricardo Salles, the minister for the Environment, also made it quite clear by saying that the coronavirus pandemic is a great opportunity to dismantle environmental regulation because everyone is looking elsewhere. Due to the urgency and the growing concern of the international community in regard to the 2019 fires, Bolsonaro administration reacted with solutions aimed at market interests, which in no way cover the problems faced by the peoples of the Amazon. On the contrary, they put them at risk by favoring policies that benefit big companies and land grabbers and also by strengthening measures of nature financialization. In the National Congress, projects that strengthen measures such as the PSA (Payment for Environmental Services, in English) have advanced, showing that the “solutions” pointed out by the Brazilian government is based on nature only by turning it into shares on the stock exchange market and money for companies – disregarding peoples who live and work on the land. At the same time the government took the opportunity to move forward in the proposal of amnesty for land grabbers, expressed in PL 2633 – encouraging exactly the practice that is behind the increase in fires last year. Even in the midst of the coronavirus pandemic, PL 2633 can be voted at any time in Congress. If approved, it will further facilitate the action of invaders of public lands. For the Carta de Belém Group, “[…] the legislation allows liquidation of land and public assets at a bargain price in favor of medium and large land grabbers” – remembering that, meanwhile, “agrarian reform and the titling of collective territories remain paralyzed”. Those would be true solutions, but Bolsonaro thinks otherwise. This is part 2 of the introduction to the story “What really happens in the Amazon Forest”. Browse content: Part 1 (central page): What really happens in the Amazon ForestPart 2: [you are here] Who is favored by Bolsonaro’s responses to the fires?Part 3: The “win-win” of companies with the financialization of naturePart 4: But after all, who is behind these crimes? And also see: The siege explained on a map In short, payment measures for environmental services are a way to monetize the relationship with nature; depending on financial flows, it may be interesting to preserve it, or maybe not. Such measures do not address the structural issues of the climate problem and do not protect the peoples and their territories: on the contrary, they leave them at the mercy of the large polluting industries, which invade the Amazon to “compensate” for their violations of rights elsewhere and for the pollution inherent to their activities. The documentary “Green market: the financialization of nature” explains and denounces the false solutions that capitalism proposes for the evils it causes (in Portuguese). The land, thus, only serves the mood of the market. Communities lose their autonomy over their own territories, transformed into assets on stock exchanges and “carbon capture farms”. This leads to the criminalization of ancestral practices and cultures. It is to the Market that Bolsonaro and the Minister of Environment, Ricardo Salles, respond to, in detriment of the agro-socio-bio-diversity of the Amazon. This is as clear as could be: at a meeting with the president and all high members of government, Salles said that the coronavirus pandemic is a proper opportunity to dismantle environmental law – in order to benefit big companies. It is explicit: for them, the Amazon needs “capitalist solutions”: in other words, devastation, exploitation, privatization. Back to the central page “What really happens in the Amazon Forest“ Continue reading the introduction: Part 3: The “win-win” of companies with the financialization of naturePart 4: But after all, who is behind these crimes?
The “win-win” of companies with the financialization of nature
Acre was the first Brazilian state to implement policies regarding nature financialization. What does that mean? It means that the state was a kind of laboratory for measures that transform nature – trees, rivers and land, all of which we cannot (or could not) value – in something quantifiable, transformed into a product and, in addition, in assets on stock markets that will serve as currency of exchange and valuation of some company afterwards. Hence, a sea of problems: This is part 3 of the introduction to the story “What really happens in the Amazon Forest”. Browse content: Part 1 (central page): What really happens in the Amazon ForestPart 2: Who is favored by Bolsonaro’s responses to the fires?Part 3: [you are here] The “win-win” of companies with the financialization of naturePart 4: But after all, who is behind these crimes? And also see: The siege explained on a map First, land privatization: companies need to have areas for “carbon capture”; that is, green areas to “compensate” for the pollution they generate in the world. Thus, large polluting industries, such as oil, mining and aviation companies could continue their activities normally, with the same or even higher levels of pollution, as long as they have, in some part of the world, their “farm of carbon capture”. There is another problem: the “compensation” itself is a violation of rights. In order to continue polluting, companies take ownership of a territory that is not theirs, in deals that either do not involve communities or are based on lies – with promises of financial compensation never materialized. Native peoples, traditional communities and rural workers, who historically make a living in the forest – with balance – see themselves forbidden to manage the forest in their own cutural way. Their territory is stolen and their lives are therefore put at risk: families end up being pushed to the outskirts of cities, becoming part of the poor population. Wealth is left behind, in the land that no longer belongs to them. We can’t help from asking: and who compensates for that “compensation”? The situation gets complex: in order to “compensate” for the pollution they emit, companies violate rights and prohibit traditional ways of life, especially in the Global South, and also profit from this by transforming these territories into financial assets; in short, the more rights they violate, the more they can pollute and expand their gains: it is profit to pollute and to destroy and profit to “compensate” it later. See below in more details the “win-win” of the companies behind the burning of the Amazon, in material produced by Amigos da Terra Brasil along with CIMI (Indigenous Missionary Council, in English) in Acre: – How agribusiness and the financial market profit from the devastation of the world’s largest rainforest– How much are the preservation and false solutions of “green” capitalism worth, and who compensates for the compensation? Dercy Telles, rubber worker and union leader, and Lindomar Padilha (CIMI-Acre) talk about monocultures and FAO’s intention to consider this as a forest or a way to offset pollution. With English subtitles. Back to the central page “What really happens in the Amazon Forest“ Also read part 2 of the introduction:Who is favored by Bolsonaro’s responses to the fires? Or skip to the final part of the introduction:After all, who is behind these crimes?
After all, who is behind these crimes?
We talked a lot about the Market, the Companies, the Industry, the Ruralists. However, these otherworldly entities have names, they are part of our world, we can and must quote them so that they bear their blame: the meat industry, agribusiness giants and their financial market financiers are the biggest stimulators for attacks on the peoples of the Amazon – and, obviously, who profits the most from it. Although Bolsonaro’s government tries to blame the impoverished strata of society for the devastation of biodiversity in Amazon and throughout Brazil – saying that small farmers and communities are responsible for setting land on fire and losing control of it – an interesting report by The Intercept Brasil showed that, behind the burning forests and deforestation are powerful figures: “Public data from Ibama, the federal government agency responsible for preserving the environment, compiled and analyzed by De Olho nos Ruralistas, show that the 25 largest deforesters in the country’s recent history are large companies, foreigners, politicians, a company linked to a banker, frequenters of social columns in the Southeast region and three slave labor exploiters”. This is part 4 of the introduction to the story “What really happens in the Amazon Forest”. Browse content: Part 1 (central page): What really happens in the Amazon ForestPart 2: Who is favored by Bolsonaro’s responses to the fires?Part 3: The “win-win” of companies with the financialization of naturePart 4: [you are here] But after all, who is behind these crimes? And also see: The siege explained on a map It is in the midst of all this – land grabbing, fires, soy and its pesticides, megaprojects that destroy ways of life – that communities resist, even though they are under extreme pressure and life threats. These Communities and Peoples are also transformed into abstract entities, yet there are simple people, of common habits, taste for football, family lunch, bathing in the river, resting in a hammock. Small farmers, fishermen, extractives from legal reserves, quilombola communities and indigenous peoples who wanted, if they could chose, to just continue their lives in the place to which they belong and to maintain the forest with which they live and on which they depend standing. Another world is not possible, there is only this one. Therefore the struggleThere is no possible coexistence with the infinite destructive desire of capitalist expansion: its poison runs through the surroundings, the lakes get polluted and dry up, the land is contaminated, people are expelled from their territories, attacked, cowardly murdered. Bolsonaro’s hate speech and the environmental and agrarian dismantling policies, in defense of the interests of agribusiness and foreign extractive industries, materialize in violence. For example: the murders of indigenous people grew 22.7% in 2018. Against all of that, the struggle is most needed: daily, an ant work, little by little – as difficult and brutal as it is necessary and rewarding. This is what the stories we heard on the recent visit to the Tapajós region in Pará show. They show the siege of capital in the Amazon, with land grabbing, the advance of megaprojects over entire communities, the attack on the forest and rivers and the threats to those who oppose it, standing up in defense of traditional ways of life and the rights of peoples. It is not for nothing that these people are called Guardians of the Forest: we would not have thought of a fairer name. Return to the central page “What really happens in the Amazon Forest” Also read parts 2 and 3 of the introduction:– Who is favored by Bolsonaro’s responses to fires?– The “win-win” of companies with the financialization of nature And also: The siege explained on a map
The siege explained on a map
In the video below, the president of the Union of Rural Workers and Family Farmers of Santarém (STTR-STM), Manoel Edivaldo Santos Matos – also called “The Fish” – explains, from a map of the Tapajós region, the capitalism siege to the Amazon: Subtitles available in Spanish and English Santarém: a Guideline Plan to the city tailored to the expansion of capital in the AmazonIn the last legislative session of 2018, completely ignoring all popular participation that had happened so far, the councilors of Santarém – without any shame – aproved the Law 20534 which institutes a new Guideline Plan for the city: a tailor-made plan for soy cultivators, ruralists in general, land grabbers, mega-project investors, mining companies and for the tourism industry. This is the first text in the story “What really happens in the Amazon Forest”. Browse through the content: INTRODUCTIONPart 1 (central page): What really happens in the Amazon ForestPart 2: Who is favored by Bolsonaro’s responses to the fires?Part 3: The “win-win” of companies with the financialization of naturePart 4: But after all, who is behind these crimes? STORIES1) [you are here] The siege explained on a map2) A port stuck in the “mouth” of the river On the one hand, the harbour area was expanded, conveniently involving the entire region of the Maicá River, where there are plans for the construction of five private ports aimed at the exportation of soybeans. On the other hand, the urban area grew larger, which allows the construction of buildings and tourist resorts on the banks of the Tapajós River. This involves the entire area towards Alter do Chão, considered one of the most beautiful beaches in Brazil and which was one of the focus of fires in 2019. As we usually say: nothing is by chance, and the cycle is repeated: fires, land grabbing, illegal land sale – either for the expansion of agribusiness or for the sale of plots to individuals or for tourism enterprises. In any case, it means violence against local peoples and communities and the cut down of the forest trees. The siege is complete: illegal loggers; land grabbing; soy; pesticides; livestock; ports; mining; railways; big roads; contamination of soil and water; real estate speculation; expulsion of quilombola, indigenous families and small farmers to the outskirts of the cities; threats and attacks to those who resist. We repeat: there is no possible coexistence with the capital’s death cycle. Return to the central page “What really happens in the Amazon Forest” Also read parts 2, 3 and 4 of the introduction:– Who is favored with Bolsonaro’s responses to the fires?– The “win-win” of companies with the financialization of nature– But after all, who is behind these crimes? Or skip to the next story:– A port stuck in the “mouth” of the river
A port stuck in the “mouth” of the river
– ‘Visagem’? No ‘visagem’ has appeared in the woods, no, ma’am – said Narivaldo. It is in the water, and it in different forms; always finds a way to frighten us. (“Visagem” means, in local vocabulary, something similar to “ghost”). Nowadays in the region of Maicá, southeast of Santarém, the “visagem” has taken very concrete forms, everyone sees and worries: it is the shape of a port. Embraps (Brazilian Company of Ports of Santarém, in English) intends to install a port at “Boca do Maicá” (Maicá’s Mouth), the entrance of the river that starts in the Amazon River and returns to the same river ahead, and then follow its flow towards the city of Macapá (AP) and to the Atlantic Ocean. Its waters have rich biodiversity and bathe around 50 communities, all of which are at risk if the port project goes on. This is part of the story “What really happens in the Amazon Forest”. Browse content: INTRODUCTIONPart 1 (central page): What really happens in the Amazon ForestPart 2: Who is favored by Bolsonaro’s responses to the fires?Part 3: The “win-win” of companies with the financialization of naturePart 4: But after all, who is behind these crimes? STORIES1) The siege explained on a map2) [you are here] A port stuck in the “mouth” of the river3) Before the port arrives (if it does), the impacts already did And so it’s not a “visagem” after all: it is the reality that haunts; and it is between storytelling and laughter that Narivaldo dos Santos tells us about the Environmental Impact Study of Embraps – You know, I fish here pirarucu, tambaqui, surubim, pacu, acará, pescada, aracu, carauaci, arauanã, acari, fura-calça, mapará, which is white, right… [those are species of fish] – And there’s a lot more, because when I talk about acará, there are about eight types of it only here in our region: the purple, the bararuá, the boca-de-pote, the escama-grossa, the tinga, the açu… The tucunaré also: there is the açu, the pinima and the regular, and the surubi cabeça-chata, pinima and pintado… and so on. It is so much that we can say – Today I don’t want this one, then let one go and grab the next one: it’s a rich menu. But in the study of the company they say there are almost no types of fish here, and neither birds, alligators, capybaras, armadillos, nor the sea-cow, which is endangered and we find it here in our river… Well, maybe the Embraps researchers do not know how to fish. Narivaldo is the leader of the quilombola community of Bom Jardim. He is 42 years old and doesn’t seem to be: he runs fast through the fallen trunk trees that serve as a path to the area where the canoes and boats of the fishing community rest. Of the approximately 120 families, at least 90 fish in Maicá waters, some as businness others just for subsistence. With agile steps, it makes it look easy which it definitely is not: but although tortuous, the logs are still a path, and after about ten minutes of fragile balance on the woods we arrive at a beautiful bay, where the green grass meets the calm waters of the river, and the canoes are slightly agitated. Rowing, Santarém’s downtown is a couple of hours away. Sometimes a fish ventures in a jump, as if to show off the river’s richness – You don’t even have to go far to find several types of fish, Narivaldo laughs again, before talking seriously – Regarding the government, we realize that they don’t care about the Amazon, about our rivers. In a way, the order for the construction of the port has already been given. It only stopped due to the action of FOQS [Federation of Quilombola Organizations of Santarém, in English], which filed the request for prior consultation with the MPF [Federal Public Ministry, in English]. Depending only on the government, the port will happen, the quilombola communities want it or not: but whatever we can do to avoid it, we will do. They say that the impacts can be compensated, but that doesn’t exist: we want to live as we do today. The installation of a port in Maicá (not just one: there are projects for five ports on the river) will mean the destruction of that way of life and is a direct attack on the surrounding 12 quilombola communities, Bom Jardim among them. In their will, the former slave owners of the local farm, who had no heirs, left the land for the six families who were exploited there. That was 142 years ago: it’s been almost two centuries of belonging and fighting in that territory. Now, in name of the profit of a few, everything can disappear. Prior consultation and ILO Convention 169However, popular and legal mobilization – with the support of Terra de Direitos (Land of Rights, in English) – had effect and the project’s licensing was suspended. The company must carry out prior, free and informed consultation with all affected communities – quilombolas, indigenous and fishermen – in accordance with ILO Convention 169 (International Labor Organization). Embraps’ studies were so shallow that they did not even consider the quilombola component, so relevant in that area, which should also be added in a new study to be presented by the company. Although it has no veto power, mandatory consultation with affected communities can be considered a victory: after the favorable court decision, the 12 communities organized within FOQS rushed to build their own Consultation Protocol, what was also done by the impacted communities of indigenous peoples and fisheries. The suspension of licensing also delays the project schedule, allowing more time for the dissemination of information in the region. Embraps’ forecast was that, in the first year of operation alone, 4.8 million tons of soybeans could be exported through the port installed in Maicá, much of which came from the Midwest region of Brazil through the BR-163. It’s easy
Before the port arrives (if it does), the impacts already did
Nobody knows for sure: if they’ll leave or if they’ll stay; where to if going somewhere else; in which conditions if staying. It is a great insecurity and suddenly “owners” of all this land in which they live begin to appear. “Owners” who are not themselves and who weardly have never been there: someone pays a property tax as a way to claim that land and then the threats grow, you hear on the corners – Quilombolas are land thieves – but see the inversion: black people were the first ones to arrive, as well as indigenous people in other places, and it is always like that: the invader is the other. This is part of the story “What really happens in the Amazon Forest”. Browse content: INTRODUCTIONPart 1 (central page): What really happens in the Amazon ForestPart 2: Who is favored by Bolsonaro’s responses to the fires?Part 3: The “win-win” of companies with the financialization of naturePart 4: But after all, who is behind these crimes? STORIES1) The siege explained on a map2) A port stuck in the mouth of the river3) [you are here] Before the port arrives (if it does), the impacts already did4) Health center and quilombola school: the struggle changes life Today, in Pérola do Maicá, the neighborhood where Embraps port will be installed, people live in fear. And one must always be alert, especially in a political moment when a President of the Republic is openly racist – they no longer care to hide it, and even those who have an institutional duty to defend the rights of the black population affirm absurdities such as – Brazil has “Nutella racism”. Real racism exists only in the USA. The negroes here complain because they are stupid and uninformed by the left parties (this was said by the then president of Fundação Cultural Palmares, Sérgio Nascimento de Camargo – the institution was created in 1988 to promote and preserve black culture in Brazil). These are really strange times and perhaps the Embraps port – and the others in the Maicá region – won’t even happen: but the damage it brings arrived well in advance, they are there already, and Lídia de Matos Amaral, 38 years old, from the quilombola community of Pérola do Maicá, is the one who tells us: she has already been in regions where ports were built. Stories very similar to what she and her quilombola companions and neighbors live today – It is very complicated. Violence will triple, it will change the whole peaceful lifestyle we have here, that will come to an end. The companies talk about compensations: entrepreneurs think that money can buy everything, but how to compensate for a destroyed way of life?, a forgotten tradition?, a broken connection with the territory? Even the little they promise – the supposed development and progress, jobs – even that is a lie: take a look at how many mega-enterprises have destroyed communities throughout Brazil and we continue without development, we have not progressed – Look at the port of Cargill for example: tell me how many Santarém citizens work there?, and perhaps this other port, that one of Cargill, installed irregularly without respecting the licensing processes, without caring for the local community, and which destroyed the Vera-Paz Beach, a former tourist spot and leisure area in Santarém, maybe it should serve as an example (to understand a bit os Cargill’s irregularities, click here): because that’s the way it is, and not as the false promises of businessmen and governments say, it’s an illusion. The only thing actually real is destruction – For us, the loss remains, Lígia knows that too well, she has seen it in other places, and there is the port of Cargill to remind us how capitalism actually “develops”. Who also knows that is Valda [and not for nothing another woman, Lígia well knows that too – Women are on the front line, fearless and suffering many reprisals. So we have to strengthen ourselves, and it is a defense of the territory that is a defense of the bodies and bodies of others as well, of the daughters and sons, it is a deep connection, axé – And many women I’d met are no longer here today, the message has been sent [“it is the patriarchy”] – But they take one down and other five are up, even stronger, to continue this cruel and unequal struggle.] Valda’s full name is Valdeci Oliveira Sousa. She’s 52-year-old. She is part of the CPP (Fisheries Pastoral Commission, in English) and is the president of the Pérola do Maicá residents’ association. She also already feels the impacts of the Embraps port – We’ve been felling the impacts for five years now, since we learned about the existence of the project: everything has changed, from the most basic, like the coexistence between neighbors – conflicts have increased, now there is distrust among the leaders, the harmony was broken. Suddenly, new neighborhood organizations were born – there are always those who are enchanted by the false promises of money and “development” – made to facilitate the entry of the project: the poison dripping through the arteries of the neighborhood, through the small clay streets, which will be expanded and they will pass over the houses if the port does go ahead, and families will have to be removed, in the neighborhood and in the quilombola community, but nobody knows yet where to – and even if the port is actually coming. Maybe it’s a “visagem”. In addition, public investment in the neighborhood disappeared: the place has been forgotten for years, in a slow and painful process of expulsion – They need us to want to leave. So there is no more road infrastructure, no investment, we had a lot of difficulty last winter [which is the rainy season, December, January, February, when it’s summer in most of Brazil], the streets are full of holes and the bus line has reduced hours. That’s the
